Free Ebook The True Flag: Theodore Roosevelt, Mark Twain, and the Birth of American Empire
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The True Flag: Theodore Roosevelt, Mark Twain, and the Birth of American Empire
Free Ebook The True Flag: Theodore Roosevelt, Mark Twain, and the Birth of American Empire
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Audible Audiobook
Listening Length: 10 hours and 55 minutes
Program Type: Audiobook
Version: Unabridged
Publisher: Macmillan Audio
Audible.com Release Date: January 24, 2017
Language: English, English
ASIN: B01N7N2NSG
Amazon Best Sellers Rank:
I don't have tie to read these days, however, I heard an interview with the author on NPR's Fresh Air. I was thoroughly impressed with the depth of information.
In The True Flag: Theodore Roosevelt, Mark Twain, and the Birth of the American Empire, award-winning journalist and author Stephen Kinzer recalls the four-year period 1898-1902, when the United States made its debut as a world power. The central event in this story was the U.S. seizure of Cuba, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines and the annexation of Hawaii, all in 1898.The central question in U.S. foreign policyDrawing on the newspapers and magazines of the times and on historical archives, Kinzer recalls the debates surrounding these events in colorful detail. His stated aim is to examine the central question of U.S. foreign policy: “Should we defend our freedom, or turn inward and ignore growing threats? Put differently: Should we charge violently into faraway lands, or allow others to work out their own destinies?†Kinzer’s thesis is that American entry into war with Spain in 1898 marked the crucial turning point in this debate. That brief, inglorious conflict represented the advent of the U.S. as a world power.Mark Twain vs. Teddy Roosevelt?To bring focus to his story, the author casts a spotlight on the debate between President Theodore Roosevelt and Mark Twain. The book’s subtitle frames this picture. As Kinzer writes, the two were “deliciously matched. Their views on life, freedom, duty, and the nature of human happiness could not have been further apart . . . Roosevelt considered colonialism a form of ‘Christian charity.’ Twain pictured Christendom as ‘a majestic matron in flowing robes drenched with blood.’†Unfortunately, the emphasis on these two men is misleading. Others played much larger roles in the crucial years of 1898-1900 than Twain did. He came into the picture later, as Kinzer himself clearly explains.The two sides of the debateKinzer draws our attention to the principal figures in the two factions that lined up before the Spanish-American War. What might be termed the imperialist faction was led by Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, then New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt, and publisher William Randolph Hearst. These three men were largely responsible for pushing the United States into war with Spain. Former U.S. Senator and Union Army general Carl Schurz, William Jennings Bryan, former President Grover Cleveland, and later Andrew Carnegie led the opposition. Mark Twain came to the debate belatedly, becoming the most recognizable voice of the anti-imperialist movement once Roosevelt was in the White House.Kinzer depicts Teddy Roosevelt as bloodthirsty and racist to the core. In the 1890s, “Roosevelt racked his brain to find a possible enemy. ‘I should welcome almost any war, for I think this country needs one.’ he wrote in 1895.†Henry Cabot Lodge and William Randolph Hearst gave him the war he craved, Lodge from his seat in the U.S. Senate and Hearst by manipulating public opinion through his influential newspaper chain. As Kinzer makes clear, Lodge was the driving force in Roosevelt’s career. It was he who persuaded President McKinley to name the young New Yorker assistant secretary of the Navy, then gained him the nomination as Governor of New York, and later maneuvered him into the Vice Presidency. From there, of course, Roosevelt succeeded to the Presidency upon McKinley’s assassination in 1901. Lodge viewed Roosevelt as his agent to lead the nation onto the world stage. The two men were in touch on a daily basis throughout these crucial years.The Anti-Imperialist LeagueSuperficial histories of the years just before and after the turn of the 20th century give the impression that America’s drive to war with Spain and the seizure of its overseas colonies was irresistible and inevitable. Undoubtedly, “[t]his was the most popular war in American history . . . Americans had their first taste of overseas conquest, and they loved it.†But the sentiment was hardly universal. An Anti-Imperialist League spread nationwide from its base in New England, led by Carl Schurz, William Jennings Bryan, and Grover Cleveland. As Kinzer shows, the force these men represented was powerful. Debate erupted nationwide and greatly intensified as the U.S. grabbed the Philippines and went to war with its independence movement. In the U.S. Senate, the treaty to approve the acquisition of the Philippines was debated furiously for months and was only approved by the narrowest of margins—and then only because William Jennings Bryan changed sides at the last minute, swaying several Senators to switch and robbing the opponents of the treaty of a likely victory.When did the U.S. become an imperialist nation?Most Americans date the beginning of what has come to be called the American empire to the Spanish-American War of 1898, as Kinzer does in his book. At any rate, that’s the story we’re taught as children. Truth to tell, however, the United States has been an imperialist nation (in the contemporary sense of the term) since the origins of our republic. Thomas Jefferson famously purchased the Louisiana Territory in 1803, doubling the size of the young nation. Then-General Andrew Jackson ousted the Spanish from Florida in 1818. James K. Polk led the U.S. into war with Mexico in 1846, adding an additional one-third to our territory and extending our reach to the Pacific Ocean. And none of this acknowledges our country’s genocidal wars against the Native American peoples who had lived on this land for at least 12,000 years before Europeans arrived. If these actions don’t constitute imperialism, the term means little. From time to time Kinzer quotes individuals who acknowledged this during those crucial years, so he doesn’t entirely overlook this history. But he fails to emphasize what surely is the most significant evidence that the foreign policy debate he writes about did not emerge whole in 1898.
I am very glad to have read this book, even though it is written in a way that swings between pedestrian and sensationalist. There is no denying that Kinzer brings to the reader's attention an exceedingly interesting and important episode of U.S. history, about which most of us, I imagine, had not an inkling. I for one had not realized that a specific event (or set of events) over a century ago, and occurring in the space of just a couple of years, decided our fate as a world power.In "The True Flag" we learn that, at the turn of the Twentieth Century, there was a fierce public debate about whether the U.S. should be involved militarily in international affairs only as a liberator or as a conqueror -- as an embodiment of the idea that all people are entitled to be self-governing, or as the colonizer of an empire. Various American idealists rallied to the former conception, while mercantile and "religious" interests defended the latter.What makes this debate so interesting is that the "bad guys" really did have some persuasive arguments. They pointed out, first of all, that the supposed American ideal of self-governance completely ignores our (then very recent) history of snatching other people's territory in the creation of the country. They also argued that the people of other lands were not (today we would say "might not be") prepared to self-govern in an effective way. Finally, and no doubt the main engine of their motives, they argued that, with so many European countries grabbing colonies all over the world, if we didn't take what we could get, we would miss our chance to acquire economically and strategically important markets and bases of operation.Meanwhile the anti-imperialists also offered a mix of high-sounding and pragmatic arguments. Aside from wanting the U.S. to stand out as a unique bastion of liberty for all the world, they also predicted that imperialist adventures would embroil us in endless strife and cause, rather than alleviate, humanitarian disasters.The imperialists won the debate in practical terms, setting us on the course we follow to this day (albeit in modified form), but the anti-imperialists' predictions proved painfully on the mark, both in the short and long terms. Particularly our (mis)adventure in the Philippines was every bit the forerunner of the Vietnam debacle my generation thought was so unique. Overall this book (and its story) leaves one -- or at least an idealist like myself -- lamenting the lost opportunity the U.S. had to be truly unique on the world stage, rather than just another bullying power. Reading it coincides, also lamentably, with a different but related kind of disillusionment with this country due to the election of a demagogue as President.By the way, the elevation of Mark Twain to shared top billing in the subtitle (and cover illustration) is misleading. Twain does not enter Kinzer's story with any significance until more than two thirds of the way through the book (page 178). Meanwhile, I would definitely have appreciated more in-depth background on the other principal anti-imperialists, such as Andrew Carnegie, Booker T. Washington, William Jennings Bryan, Carl Schurz, and George Frisbie Hoar. Again, I would not have known about their roles in this dramatic story without Kinzer's book, but the book treats them largely as characters who walk on stage for the imperialism debate, leaving us curious about just who these people were in their totality. The Imperialists get better coverage.
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